Prof. Bhaskar, writing exclusively for Different Truths, examines the role of intellectuals in modern India. He questions their silence during what some see as cultural anarchy.
For more than a decade, since the Left rulers lost their chair or political power in West Bengal after an uninterrupted rule of 34 years from 1978, a query has been circulating. Over a decade has passed since the Left Rule ended. A suspicion has grown. People think that cultural anarchy has started in West Bengal. This suspicion has given rise to a corollary centred on the role of intellectuals. People are asking, “Where are the intellectuals?” They assume intellectuals could have stopped the anarchy.
Naturally, the Buddhijibis could not be identified, absconding or not, by head count or total number at a point in time. A decade has passed, the agony-to-anarchy phase has launched in West Bengal, and the query remains. This needs to be probed at the pan-India level because what is not questioned elsewhere does not imply the non-existence of the problem.
The evolution of the term ‘buddhijibi’ is probably lost in history, but the impact remains. During British India, the terms like ‘babu’ or ‘bhadrālok’ (gentleman) evolved; that is, they probably did not connote ‘buddhijibis’. Those babus were meant to serve the rulers in a British way. It may be that post-British rulers in India expect a similar type of loyalty from the ‘Buddhijibis’.
Public Intellectuals
The public intellectuals are those who are acknowledged to influence public life through their pen and brain – they are brain-weighted influencers. They are of all types – polite, egoistic, arrogant, wise – not to be read as any combination. Common people like to have them laterally for support or guidance. The core state is interested in grabbing them at any cost – even if neither side is stable or permanently believable.
Awards/Rewards
The state gives awards to public intellectuals. These intellectuals usually accept them, like on Republic Day. They also get certificates for their achievements in fields like education, music, or painting. These certificates are not transferable. This creates a “give and take” relationship.
Activists
Other public intellectuals do not wait for awards. They work for oppressed people. They do this in different areas. They do what they think is right for justice. They are social activists and cultural activists whom society accepts and respects. They also form forums to let people know their intentions.
The core state often distances itself from the activists and, in extreme situations, charges them with sedition, like deshdrohi (anti-national), deciding not to understand that the nation is more than different from the state.
Some intellectuals choose to align with the core state out of fear, loyalty, or a desire for a secure life. This sentiment—”one must ally with the establishment”—was expressed by a professor at a premier social science institute in Allahabad about two decades ago, highlighting the clear implications of this choice.
Robust India
India is a very big country. This has both good and bad effects. The government can easily find people to support its plans. Some people are involved in politics. Some are left out. Some are “adversely included”. Both the included and excluded people seem happy. The included people have power. The excluded people are waiting for their turn. Adverse inclusion is a complex idea. The stability of the government seems to show how this works.
The state tries to control public intellectuals. It uses money and power. It also uses greed and fear. Many intellectuals give in to this control. The state entices them with benefits. These include jobs on committees after they retire. They also get free travel and lodging. Only a few people can resist this greed. This greed is for more than just money.
Picture design by Anumita Roy
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